Rasquachismo in the Mix: A Case Study of the Rasquache Sensibility in Chicano and Mexican Rap Music

Chicano scholars have written about a “rasquache” sensibility as one of the defining characteristics of Chicano cultural practices and Chicano identity. Very generally, “rasquachismo” is a style based on Mexican vernacular traditions that have evolved into a bicultural sensibility that presupposes the worldview of the have-not, but is also a quality exemplified in objects and places and in social comportment. Scholarship on the subject has focused mainly upon art production such as painting and literature; film and music are mentioned but not analyzed fully. This paper extends the discussion of rasquachismo into the realm of rap music. More specifically, this paper deals with Chicano and Mexican rap music and explores whether or not the concept of rasquachismo is found in these musical expressions. This project aims to discuss Chicano and Mexican rap music in the context of rasquachismo in order to gain a better understanding of a concept that has, in many ways, defined the Chicano experience.

As the globalization of hip hop culture accelerates, an interesting cultural force taking form is the proliferation of what is generally termed “Latino Rap,” Within the large heterogeneous group of nationalities, ethnicities, languages and musical styles that represent hip hop, Chicano and Mexican rap music has emerged with its own unique and innovative approach. The similarities in heritage and ideologies of the Chicano and Mexican communities have contributed to a transnational music that simultaneously expresses local and global musical styles, points of views, and general taste in music. The manifestations and articulations of a code of style and taste have become important markers of understanding Mexican and Chicano culture and concurrently demonstrate the various uses and stylistic nuances of Chicano and Mexican rap music.

I will examine the cultural phenomenon of “rasquachismo” as it operates in the context of Chicano and Mexican rap. I have selected a case study of two groups— “Molotov” from Mexico and “Aztlan Underground” from the United States. While these bands are not representative of an entire musical landscape, they are a good place to begin a discussion on rasquachismo in Chicano and Mexican rap. Throughout this paper I distinguish between “Chicano” and “Mexican.” “Chicano” simply implies rap music produced in the U.S. by Mexican-Americans, and “Mexican” indicates it was produced in Mexico. Similar to scholars Tricia Rose and Nelson George, I also distinguish between rap music and hip hop culture and its components of DJing, breaking, MCing, and graffiti.

To demonstrate this project’s complexity I will introduce “rasquachismo.” The root word of “rasquachismo” is “rasquache,” which is defined as “a miserable person, poor, lowly, wretched” by Diccionario de Mejicanismos (Castro 198). Rafaela Castro translates rasquache as “funky, humble, unsophisticated.” The term originally described the downtrodden but evolved into the “bi-cultural sensibility” of “rasquachismo” as described by Tomas Ybarra-Frausto. Very generally, Ybarra-Frausto depicts rasquachismo as “an underground perspective—a view from los de abajo, an attitude rooted in resourcefulness and adaptability, yet mindful of stance and style” (2). Castro describes “rasquache” as “a poor people’s and working-class people’s worldview and defines how engaging and cultural beauty is created by them” (198). Furthermore, rasquachismo not only presupposes the worldview of the “have-not” but also can be manifested in objects or places and in social behavior (Mesa-Bains 5). Castro notes that, for an individual, “rasquache” comprises an attitude, a sensibility, or a social condition (198). Examples include: low-rider cars, dressing like a cholo (gangsta), Cantinflas (Mexican comedian known for slapstick comedy) and murals.

Rasquachismo, both in Mexico and the U.S. suggests vulgarity and bad taste—tackiness. Ybarra-Frausto attributes this to the social elites who impose “their aesthetic norms as standard and universal” (2). Rasquachismo is a working class aesthetic based upon lived reality and is therefore demarcated by social class (3). Likewise, Alicia Gaspar de Alba’s discussion of Chicano art includes this description of “rasquachismo”: a theory and praxis of popular pleasure as a uniquely working-class strategy of resistance to dominant aesthetic codes (10). Rasquachismo, like rap, is a brash and hybrid sensibility that fills elites with disdain for its non-conformity to less exuberant, more muted, and “purer” traditions. Ybarra-Frausto details the rasquache style in the following excerpt:

Rasquache aesthetics have always been a mechanism of survival and resistance. Laura Pérez, describing Chicano cultural practices, labels rasquache “cheap, economical, and thus doable” (19). Rasquache cultural practices have operated in disordering, “profoundly disturbing ways with respect to dominant social and cultural, spatial and ideological topographies of the ‘proper’ in the United States” (19).

Rasquache is similar to the European aesthetic concept of kitsch, which emphasizes gaudiness and crudeness. Gaspar de Alba notes that both kitsch and rasquachismo are cultural productions that represent the popular, the vernacular, the working-class (12). Although both are labeled subversive and “tacky,” kitsch and rasquachismo differ in their cultural foundations and class affiliations. Rasquachismo is a product of the mestizo (mixed) culture of Mexico while kitsch originates out of Europe as a rejection of “high art.” Furthermore, rasquachismo is linked to the working-class poor through origins and practice, while kitsch is not necessarily tied to the working-class.

My analysis of Molotov’s “Frijolero” and Aztlan Underground’s “Sacred Circle” was informed by theories of rap music in Tricia Rose’s Black Noise. Rose theorizes that all hip hop forms, including rap music, have three basic aesthetic continuities: The concepts of flow, layering, and ruptures in line provide insight into the basic aesthetic composition of rap music (38). Flow is described as the ability to move easily and powerfully through complex lyrics as well as the flow in the music itself (39). Layering applies to the use and signification of words used by rappers and also suggests the ability of the DJ to layer sampled sounds. And finally, rupture in lines describes the rupture of the bass lines by DJ “scratching” or the interruption of the rhythmic flow by other musical passages. These concepts will be used to analyze the music selected as well as discuss the social implications.

To understand the different articulations of rasquachismo in Chicano and Mexican rap I borrow from Rafael Pérez-Torres and his theory of critical and uncritical mestizaje (mixture). Pérez-Torres recognizes the culturally affirming ideas and movements within Chicano music and also acknowledges some shortcomings. Classifying Chicano music into critical and uncritical mestizaje, this categorization moves discussions of Chicano music away from Manichean arguments of “authentic” versus “assimilationist” and into questioning sexist lyrics, unoriginal music, and lack of political edge (210). Similarly, understanding the differences within rasquache articulations can be classified into critical and uncritical rasquachismo. As we will shortly see, Molotov and Aztlan Underground offer differing articulations of rasquachismo.

In examining the rasquache sensibility in Mexican and Chicano Rap my primary methods of inquiry are textual and musical analyses. The lyrics reveal implicit and explicit ideologies and become another arena for rasquachismo in the choice of lyrics and the manner in which they are performed. Rasquachismo is also expressed musically through composition, layering and mixture.

These three elements identify the selected bands as “rasquache.” When these three elements are combined with the fundamental rap principles of flow, layering, and rupture of lines, the result is a “rasquache rap” model that represents both rasquache and rap aesthetics. The diagram below illustrates the analytical matrix that results in combing the aesthetic principles of rasquache and rap.

The rasquache rap method outlined above enables numerous possibilities in analyzing both the music and lyrics of the selected songs. For example, a track may be analyzed for sub-altern flow, layering or rupture. Any cultural phenomenon labeled rasquache will contain these three principles with each principle varying according to the social context and the medium of expression.

The song “Frijolero” is a rebuking response by Molotov to the representations of Mexicans as drug smugglers, illegal immigrants, and all-around scum in the “imaginary” of America. The title reflects the derogatory naming of Mexicans as “frijoleros” (beaners) and plays with dualities in its use of music, language, and perspective. This song is also accompanied by a music video that further provides insight into the nature of rasquache rap.

As noted by scholars such as Gaspar de Alba and Ybarra-Frausto, rasquachismo functions as an avenue to express subversive ideologies. The tone, perspective, sound and images of the video place Molotov in an underdog role that expresses the working-class sentiment on Mexican immigration. The border is the central theme that allows Molotov to symbolically trespass illegally into the debate over the border and return barbs received from the U.S. government and media. This track provides excellent examples of sub-altern tactics in regard to flow, layering and ruptures in line; in addition to biting satire and elaborate tackiness and density in the video.

Lyrics	Translation
Podras imaginarte desde afuera	can you picture it
Ser un Mexicano cruzando la frontera	being a Mexican crossing the border
Pensando en tu familia mientras que pasas	thinking of your family as you cross
Dejando todo lo que tu conoces atras	leaving behind everything you know
Si tuvieras tu que esquivar las balas	If you had to dodge the bullets
De unos cuantos gringos rancheros	of some redneck farmers
Les seguiras diciendo good for nothing wetbacks	Would you keep calling them wetbacks
Si tuvieras tu que empezar de cero	If you had to start from scratch

The sub-altern flow espouses the sentiments of Mexico’s working-class and employs code-switching to create a subversive strategy that rejects Anglo America’s push for a monolingual society. The rhyme begins in English, switches to Spanish, and finishes in English. In the line “le seguiras dicendo good for nothing wetbacks,” the rapper code switches within the line itself to emphasize the derogatory terms used against Mexicans. The code-switching also creates a rupture in the flow, a moment where the rapper and listener must transition from one set of codes to another, in this case Spanish to English.

The music itself is a source of sub-altern flow, layering and rupture. Blending corridos and hip hop, Molotov seamlessly constructs a border ballad energized by polka melodies and lyrical flow. In this song the rasquache sound is in large part produced by the accordion melody that drives most of the song. The percussion and the guitar are both rhythmically following the rock formula of emphasizing the second and fourth beats. The fusing of rock rhythms and polka melodies create a layered sound constructed from the musical landscape of urban Mexico. Although the accordion originally comes from Europe, the accordion and its polka sound have come to typify the Mexican working-class musical preference for norteño and narco-corrido styles. The rhythm of the song is produced from an acoustic guitar playing an accompaniment very similar to that of corridos and norteño music. The layering of norteño melodies and accompaniments over hip hop bass lines produces a sub-altern sound that samples from working-class associated genres: rap and norteño.

The tacky or excessively exaggerated aspects of the song are most evident in the language used and are the source of its satire. The blatant verbal attacks on two governments and the use of crude Spanish words falls into the category of tacky and satirical flow. The chorus line of the song best exemplifies the rasquache tendency to purposely be politically incorrect by chanting derogatory terms for both Mexicans and Anglos as the rapper switches roles. The final line of the lyrics above ends with the rapper using his best “gringo” accent to shout “correcto.” The satirical final line reminds eurocentric citizens that the Southwest once belonged to Mexico and lampoons Anglo tendencies to “Latinize” English words by adding an “o” to the suffix.

The video produced by Molotov for “Frijolero” also gives great insight into the ways rasquache articulates itself in Mexican and Chicano rap. The visual accompaniment of this song allows for the group to display the more visual strategies of rasquachismo such as tackiness. Speaking to the almost cartoonish reality of border life the video utilizes crude animation to depict the border. The video employs bright garish colors that have important significance. When the video depicts “illegals” on a street corner, each worker is colored red, white, and green—a clear reference to Mexican labor.

The video packs a tremendous amount of action and images into a limited space, as Ybarra-Frausto explained in defining rasquache. Randy Ebright, Molotov’s “gringo loco,” morphs between the white rancher hiring Mexican labor to the INS agent patrolling the borders to show the hypocrisy of U.S. border policy. Also, following the rasquache style, the band denaturalizes common images and symbols. In the video the band is chased and eventually captured by the border patrol in front of a large wall painted with the famous freeway signs showing an immigrant family running.

While this video is an exceptional example of rasquachismo at work in Mexican rap music it has its shortcomings. The video contains sexist images of women out of context in a piece about border life. The band’s sharp political critique falls short in reference to sexual politics. In the conclusion of this paper I will explore these inherent shortcomings in the rasquachismo employed by the groups.

In summary, Molotov belongs in the category of rasquache rap because it satisfies the three criteria of rasquache aesthetic as well as the hip hop continuities identified by Tricia Rose. The music reveals unrestrained satire, subversive notions of legality and a musical link to the communities it represents. The video displayed tacky colors and fast paced action to complement the song’s message.

Aztlan Underground employs an eclectic combination of harsh industrial reverberations combined with indigenous instruments, complemented by rapping over a hodge-podge of musical fury. The song “Sacred Circle” can be best characterized as a musical assault on the oppressions and suppressions of race, culture, and class. The name of the group aligns itself with the sub-altern perspective of re-claiming the indigenous roots of the Mexican and Chicano communities.

“Sacred Circle” contains sub-altern notions of musical production and lyrical content. The track begins with indigenous rattles and drums creating a mystic rhythm while the word “mexica” is whispered. Strong base lines build up and slowly overtake the indigenous sounds while simultaneously mixing in a sample of an indigenous voice proclaiming “sometimes they have to kill us/they have to kill us/cuz they can’t break our spirit.” The ruptures in line are not provided by DJ scratches but rather through the incorporation of native voices and instruments that disrupt and propel the lyrical flow. The lyrics make reference to the “four sacred directions,” a common belief in Native cultures. The importance of the number four can also be seen in that the Native voice is sampled four times: at minute 1:01, 2:35, 4:12 and 4:37. Also the first voice sample is also the last sample heard and in essence is completing the “sacred circle.”

The reclaiming of the Native culture by Aztlan Underground is a common strategy of rasquachismo that salvages that which has been deemed “unworthy” or “negative” by dominant cultural forces. The term “rasquache” itself is a product of the Nahuatl language. Thus, the very use of the language and sounds related to the indigenous places Aztlan Underground’s music on the plane of rasquache rap music. As noted by Pérez, the band is employing a strategy of using material, cultural and ideological products to construct an alternative reality.

The lyrics and ideas presented clearly represent a sub-altern voice of the downtrodden that speaks not only for the Chicano community but attempts to unite all Native peoples across the Americas. The verses of the song demonstrate fierce satire of western culture, as demonstrated in the following passage:

Aztlan Underground’s choice of indigenous instruments situates this track in the realm of sub-altern layering. The band chooses to use sounds that represent their urban reality as well as their indigenous roots by mixing hip-hop beats with indigenous flutes and drums. In the selected track the band incorporates samples of indigenous voices and their own chants as means to make the Native voice present. A culture on the verge of being stamped out is given new life through rap music. The Native vocals also serve to create sonic complexity to the track. A close listening of the track reveals the climatic ending is punctuated by gunfire and shouts of “F.B.I.”. A contrast is created between this clear reference to the Pine Ridge tragedy (which incriminated “American Indian Movement” leader Leonard Peltier) and the vocalist shouting “Aztlan will save the world.”

Unlike Molotov’s “Frijolero,” “Sacred Circle” is not accompanied by a music video. However, Aztlan Underground’s album art and performance reveal visual strategies. The cover art features a graphic scene of three Chicanos on horseback slaughtering a pig. Their subversive message is delivered through the symbolic slaughtering of a white pig that represents the greed, waste and filth of western culture. The density of the image is provided by a multitude of farm animals surrounding the white pig. Blood gushes from the wounds of the large white pig in an exaggerated and tacky manner. Also, the pig is killed with spears while on horseback—two symbols of indigenous cultures.

On stage, Aztlan Underground combines the eclectic and tacky nature of rasquache rap by wearing elaborate face paints and costumes. Lead singer Yaotl adorns his visage with Native war paints, while other members wear Native costumes created by the band. The costumes combine the styles of various indigenous traditions such as headdresses and masks along with the rasquache tradition of favoring bright colors.

In summary, Aztlan Underground’s “Sacred Circle” is an example of rasquache rap. The band’s lyrics and music align itself with the sub-altern indigenous movements of the Americas. The lyrics and the metaphor of the “sacred circle” provide strong satire; and the group’s tackiness is best represented in their performance and album cover.

Although Molotov and Aztlan Underground engage in similarly subversive cultural tactics, they represent dissimilar articulations of rasquache rap. Both bands employ a multi-lingual approach to music; Molotov favors Spanish and some English, while Aztlan Underground primarily uses English and Nahuatl. Musically both bands use creative sampling and instruments that represent the hybrid Chicano/Mexican culture. Each offers differing ideological motifs to listeners of their music. Rafael Pérez-Torres’ designations of “critical” and “uncritical” offers a framework to understand these different expressions. Pérez-Torres notes that “critical” entails a clear and deliberate attention to originality, meaning, and mixture (217). Molotov’s sexist images on the “Frijolero” video stand in sharp contrast to Aztlan Underground’s notion of the sacred earth mother. Molotov represents an unrestrained articulation of rasquache rap that is rude, brash and makes no apologies about it. Their tell-it-like-it-is approach allows for the broaching of controversial topics yet also creates new tensions over sexist images. Aztlan Underground represents a more “critical” stance, informed and conscious of its message and meaning. Unlike Molotov, Aztlan Underground has consciously avoided derogatory language although the band’s dislike of western culture is exaggerated. Regardless of each band’s flaws both embody genuine rasquache rap expressions that represent a new movement in hip hop culture.

Tricia Rose postulates that hip hop culture must be understood within the larger social context from which it originated. Chicano and Mexican rap emerges in the context of urban corruption and decay in Mexico and the repressions of the barrios in the U.S. southwest. Rasquachismo has always been a method for Chicano and Mexican working-class people to survive the harsh realities of being relegated to the margins of society, as noted by Pérez. The limitations of material resources forced the inhabitants of the barrio to make do and learn to recycle objects, ideas, and music for survival. Rasquachismo has never been exclusive to a certain generation. It has been continuously employed because the conditions that gave rise to a style and taste of the have-nots are still present. Hip hop culture in Chicano and Mexican communities is something unique to this generation, and becomes infused with a rasquache sensibility that reflects specific socio-historical contexts in the Chicano and Mexican communities. Rasquache and rap represent “uncolonized spaces within the imposed symbolic orders where the imagination can transform meaning” (Pérez, 39).

Due to space constraints numerous groups such as La Paz, Control Machete, and El Gran Silencio were excluded, but Molotov and Aztlan Underground serves to demonstrate the various musical and social functions of rasquache rap. Besides allowing for an expression of musical pleasure it is also a voice for the working-class. It is a place for resistance against the exploitations of class, race, and gender, a vehicle to express desires of all types, a channel for alternative information, and also a tool for fame and wealth. Many of the pitfalls of mainstream rap, such as over-commercialization, are starting to surface as Chicano and Mexican rap gains wider acceptance in the major media. However, this does not detract from the function of allowing Chicano and Mexican youth to cope with their realities. The adoption of rap music and hip hop culture by Chicanos and Mexicanos is a logical step that represents the globalization of hip hop culture. Rap music, with its characteristic use of various musical sources, lends easily to the adoption of hip hop by Chicanos and Mexicans because their lives have continuously been marked by the processes of mestizaje inherent in Chicano and Mexican culture. Rasquache lifestyle and the worldview of Chicanos and Mexicans blends fluidly with the bass grooves and lyrical flow of rap music to give new articulations to ideologies, grievances, desires, and—most important to these artists—musical pleasure.

Abstract